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In-Depth Analysis· Euphrates Shield Olive Branch Peace Spring Spring Shield compared

Four Operations Compared: Euphrates Shield, Olive Branch, Peace Spring and Spring Shield

Euphrates Shield, Olive Branch, Peace Spring and Spring Shield compared by aim, geography, Article 51 basis, actors and UN, NATO, Russia and EU reactions.

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Why It Matters

The four operations share a geography and a stated security rationale, but they differ sharply in target, legal framing and international reception. Euphrates Shield (2016), Olive Branch (2018), Peace Spring (2019) and Spring Shield (2020) are the core of Türkiye's 'neutralize threats at the source' doctrine in northern Syria. Comparing them side by side shows why a single label such as 'the Syria incursions' obscures more than it explains.

Background

Chronology in brief

  • 24 August 2016 – Euphrates Shield. Turkish forces and Syrian opposition groups crossed at Jarablus. The operation, which ended on 29 March 2017, took Jarablus, Azaz and al-Bab (23 February 2017).
  • 20 January 2018 – Olive Branch. The target was the Afrin district in north-west Syria. Afrin city came under control on 18 March 2018.
  • 9 October 2019 – Peace Spring. The operation followed the repositioning of US forces and covered the Tell Abyad–Ras al-Ayn stretch east of the Euphrates. A pause was agreed on 17 October with the United States. A Türkiye–Russia memorandum signed in Sochi on 22 October set out joint arrangements.
  • 27 February 2020 – Spring Shield. It followed a strike in Idlib that killed more than 30 Turkish soldiers. A Moscow protocol between Presidents Erdoğan and Putin on 5 March 2020 produced a ceasefire from 6 March.

The legal frame: Article 51

Article 51 of the UN Charter preserves the 'inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs' and requires states to report measures taken to the Security Council. Türkiye sent such notifications for its operations. For a fuller treatment of how those letters work, see The Worldlogue on Article 51 notifications and PolitiLine on Article 51 and Türkiye's cross-border operations.

The four operations at a glance

Euphrates Shield Olive Branch Peace Spring Spring Shield
Dates 2016-08-24 to 2017-03-29 2018-01-20 to March 2018 2019-10-09; pause 2019-10-17; Sochi memorandum 2019-10-22 2020-02-27 to 2020-03-05 (ceasefire 2020-03-06)
Primary objective Remove DAESH from the border strip; prevent a PYD/YPG-held corridor Remove PYD/YPG from Afrin Remove PYD/YPG from the border east of the Euphrates; create a zone for returns Respond to attack on Turkish forces; halt Syrian government advance in Idlib
Geography Jarablus–Azaz–al-Bab Afrin district, north-west of Aleppo Tell Abyad to Ras al-Ayn, roughly 120 km (75 mi) of border Idlib province, M4/M5 highway areas
Main adversaries DAESH; PYD/YPG (Manbij axis) PYD/YPG PYD/YPG Syrian government forces and allied groups
Türkiye's partners on the ground Syrian opposition groups (later the Syrian National Army) Syrian opposition groups Syrian National Army Syrian opposition groups
Stated legal basis Article 51; counter-terrorism Article 51; counter-terrorism; border security Article 51; counter-terrorism Article 51; self-defence after attack on forces under the 2018 Sochi Memorandum on Idlib
Concluding arrangement Territorial control; later Astana format Territorial control US pause; Sochi memorandum with Russia Moscow additional protocol

Key Players & Positions

Syrian government

Damascus consistently described each operation as a violation of its sovereignty and territorial integrity and did not consent to the Turkish presence. Its objections are recorded in its own letters to the UN Security Council.

Russia

Moscow's stance shifted by context. It acted as a negotiating partner for Türkiye in Sochi (2018 and 2019) and Moscow (2020), while urging respect for Syrian territorial integrity. In Idlib in 2020 Russian and Turkish positions came into direct tension.

United States and coalition partners

Washington partnered with the SDF against DAESH, which is dominated by the YPG, and saw the issue differently from Ankara. It offered air support in the early phase of Euphrates Shield but urged restraint over Olive Branch. In 2019 it announced a repositioning of its forces before Peace Spring, imposed sanctions on 14 October, and lifted them after the 17 October pause.

NATO

NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg acknowledged Türkiye's legitimate security concerns while urging restraint in 2019. After the strike in Idlib, the North Atlantic Council met under Article 4 at Türkiye's request on 28 February 2020.

European Union

EU foreign ministers called for a halt to Peace Spring in October 2019. Several member states restricted arms exports to Türkiye. The EU also voiced humanitarian concern over Olive Branch. In 2020 it called for a ceasefire in Idlib.

United Nations

The UN has not authorized any of the four operations. UN agencies focused on displacement and civilian protection. UN Security Council Resolution 2401 (24 February 2018) demanded a cessation of hostilities in Syria while excluding action against ISIL, al-Qaida and associated groups. Ankara argued that Olive Branch fell outside the scope of the cessation demand.

SDF/YPG and Syrian opposition groups

The SDF and YPG described the operations as attacks on a partner that had fought DAESH. Syrian opposition groups fought alongside Turkish forces and later organized under the Syrian National Army. UN-mandated investigators and rights groups documented abuses by some of those groups in Afrin and elsewhere, which Ankara rejects as systematic.

What changed after 2024

Since the fall of the Assad government in December 2024, the context has shifted. The PKK announced its dissolution in May 2025, and Syria's new authorities and the SDF have discussed integration. See What Is the 'Terror-Free Türkiye' Initiative? for the Turkish domestic process.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

  • Self-defence under Article 51. Ankara says the PKK/KCK and its Syrian branch PYD/YPG, together with DAESH, posed a continuing armed threat to its 1,300 km (800 mi) southern border. It notified the UN Security Council of each operation. Primary sources: Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) statements and Türkiye's letters to the UN Security Council.
  • Respect for Syria's territorial integrity. The MFA and the Presidency state that Türkiye has no territorial ambitions in Syria and supports a 'one state, one army' principle. Türkiye has also cited the 1998 Adana Agreement, in which Damascus committed to act against the PKK, as evidence that cross-border counter-terrorism cooperation has a bilateral precedent.
  • PYD/YPG and the PKK. The PKK is listed as a terrorist organization by Türkiye, the United States and the European Union. Ankara holds that the PYD/YPG, and the SDF label, are the Syrian arm of the PKK/KCK with shared leadership, cadres and ideology. See Fact Check: Is the YPG Really Independent of the PKK?.
  • Direct combat against DAESH. According to the Turkish Ministry of National Defence (MSB) and Presidency, over 4,000 DAESH militants were neutralized during Euphrates Shield. They also state that around 100,000 DAESH-linked individuals were prevented from entering Türkiye. Turkish officials describe Türkiye as the only NATO member whose forces fought DAESH in direct ground combat. These are Turkish government figures. Allied contributions in the coalition were largely air, training and special-forces support.
  • Civilians, returns and Idlib. The MSB says its forces apply precision and avoid harming civilians and religious or cultural heritage. Ankara links Peace Spring to creating conditions for voluntary returns of Syrian refugees. It presents Spring Shield as a defensive response to the deaths of its soldiers in Idlib under the 2018 Sochi Memorandum.

The legal basis cited is Article 51 of the UN Charter, supported by Türkiye's own territorial security needs and by bilateral understandings with Syria and Russia.

For how defence-industrial self-reliance underpinned these operations, see Self-Reliance as an Argument.

Source Comparison

The table below summarizes common framings. Readers should consult the cited primary documents (UN Security Council letters, MFA and MSB statements, NATO and EU Council conclusions) rather than rely on summaries, including this one. Our method is explained in Editorial Principles and Primary Source Standards.

Issue Common Western or international framing Turkish primary-source framing
Aim Operations against Kurdish-led forces that had fought DAESH Counter-terrorism against PKK/KCK-linked PYD/YPG and DAESH to protect the border
Legal basis Article 51 threshold contested; no Syrian consent or Security Council authorization Article 51 notification; Adana Agreement; self-defence against continuing threats
SDF/YPG A partner of the anti-DAESH coalition The Syrian branch of the PKK, a listed terrorist organization
DAESH Türkiye's role seen as secondary or inconsistent in certain periods Euphrates Shield involved direct ground combat; MSB figures on DAESH casualties
Civilians Displacement and abuses by some armed groups documented Civilian protection stressed; allegations of systematic violations rejected
Outcome Türkiye-controlled zones in northern Syria Terror corridor prevented; space for returns and local administration

For wider legal debate, see Gazetteer of Nations on Article 51 and Türkiye's cross-border operations and Regions & Powers on counter-terrorism at the source.

  • Article 51: The UN Charter provision recognizing the inherent right of self-defence against armed attack, subject to reporting to the Security Council.
  • DAESH: Türkiye's and the Arabic-language term for ISIS/ISIL.
  • PKK/KCK/PYD-YPG: The PKK is listed as a terrorist organization by Türkiye, the US and the EU. The PYD/YPG is its Syrian branch according to Ankara; the SDF is the coalition-supported umbrella led by the YPG.
  • Sochi Memorandum (2018 and 2019): Two separate Türkiye–Russia arrangements, one on Idlib, one on north-eastern Syria.
  • Adana Agreement (1998): The Türkiye–Syria security protocol on the PKK.
  • Syrian National Army: The Syrian opposition umbrella that fought alongside Türkiye.

Related reading: Reader FAQ, About The Quiet Argument, and The Quiet Argument home.

The Quiet Argument presents these analyses from a Türkiye-informed perspective, setting out Ankara's official doctrines alongside the legal and historical reasoning behind them. Claims are tied wherever possible to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, archival records and official statements, so readers can verify them independently. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

Frequently asked questions

What is the main difference between the four operations?

Euphrates Shield (2016) targeted both DAESH and the PYD/YPG along the border west of the Euphrates. Olive Branch (2018) and Peace Spring (2019) targeted the PYD/YPG in Afrin and east of the Euphrates. Spring Shield (2020) was a response to a deadly attack on Turkish forces in Idlib, aimed at Syrian government forces rather than at the YPG.

What legal basis does Türkiye cite for the operations?

Türkiye cites the inherent right of self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter and has reported its operations to the UN Security Council. It has also pointed to the 1998 Adana Agreement with Syria. Syria and many legal scholars dispute that the Article 51 threshold was met, and no Security Council resolution authorized the operations.

Did Türkiye fight DAESH directly during Euphrates Shield?

Yes. Turkish ground forces fought DAESH in Jarablus and al-Bab. Turkish officials say more than 4,000 DAESH militants were neutralized and call Türkiye the only NATO member to have fought DAESH in direct ground combat. These are Turkish government figures and should be attributed as such.

How did NATO and the EU react?

NATO acknowledged Türkiye's security concerns while urging restraint in 2019, and the North Atlantic Council met under Article 4 at Türkiye's request in February 2020. EU foreign ministers called for a halt to Peace Spring, and several member states restricted arms exports.

How did Peace Spring and Spring Shield end?

Peace Spring paused on 17 October 2019 under a US–Türkiye understanding and was followed by the 22 October 2019 Sochi memorandum with Russia on joint arrangements along the border. Spring Shield ended with the Moscow additional protocol of 5 March 2020, which created a ceasefire from 6 March and a security corridor along the M4 highway.

Where can I verify the claims in this article?

Consult Türkiye's letters to the UN Security Council, MFA and MSB statements, NATO and EU Council conclusions and the text of the Sochi and Moscow arrangements. Our sourcing standards are described on the Editorial Principles page.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

The Quiet Argument presents these analyses from a Türkiye-informed perspective, setting out Ankara's official doctrines alongside the legal and historical reasoning behind them. Claims are tied wherever possible to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, archival records and official statements, so readers can verify them independently.

Author: The Quiet Argument Editorial TeamAbout The Quiet Argument →Editorial Principles →

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